Gender and Soil Fertility Management in Mbale District, Southeastern
Uganda

Abe Goldman and Kathleen Heldenbrand

INTRODUCTION

This paper explores gender-related aspects of agriculture and agricultural change in a densely populated, high potential area in eastern Uganda, particularly in relation to declining productivity in the region.  Much recent literature has investigated the impacts of specific agricultural policies and projects on women farmers in sub-Saharan Africa  [1].   In many cases, these policies and projects have resulted in unexpectedly negative consequences for women – and often failed in other objectives as well – to a large extent because they did not adequately consider the critical and complex roles that women play in most African agricultural systems.  Far less often examined in the literature on gender, have been the chronic but pervasive impacts of persistently low agricultural productivity throughout most of sub-Saharan Africa.  This stagnation is one of most striking and widespread features of agriculture in Africa today, and it stands in sharp contrast to the experience of most developing regions in Asia and Latin America.  The impacts of this stagnation and decline in agricultural productivity are likely to be particularly severe for African women farmers, whose economic livelihoods are so closely linked to the production and sale of agricultural products and services.  

The paper also examines gender differentiation in agricultural activities and resources in the survey region and the interaction of gender with other household and demographic characteristics.  Many aspects of gender roles in African agriculture are more complex and variable than is often assumed, including the common assumption that women specialize in food crop production while men concentrate on nonfood cash crops.  Moreover, important features of age and household structure overlap with gender in complex ways, and characteristics that are often interpreted as related to gender also involve other demographic and household variables. Finally, gender roles have been undergoing considerable change in response to changes in economic conditions, migration, and disease incidence (particularly HIV), among other factors, all of which have necessitated adaptation of traditional gender roles.  As discussed below, in the survey region many activities, resources, and outcomes are not differentiated solely by gender, and many of the activities and attributes of women and men farmers cannot easily be distinguished.

After examining some of the context of Ugandan agriculture, and comparing Uganda’s experience to those of other regions in Africa and elsewhere, this paper reviews research data from a survey conducted in 1998 to explore the differentiation of agricultural characteristics and activities on the basis of gender and household structure.  Recent trends in production and food security are then examined, also differentiated by gender and household structure.  The conclusions address the current conditions and prospects of the agricultural systems of the area and the significance of gender and household structure to these. 

UGANDAN EXPERIENCE AND CONTEXT

Much of Uganda, including the survey region in this study, is endowed with favorable agricultural conditions.  Ample rainfall, divided between two rainy seasons in much of the country, and relatively fertile soils helped make southern Uganda one of the most productive areas of eastern Africa through the pre-colonial and colonial periods [2].  Uganda is estimated to have at least twice as much high potential land as Kenya [3].  The historic development of large agrarian populations, often associated with centralized states such as Buganda and others, testify to the long term productivity of the region.  In the 20^th century, agricultural output increased dramatically for most of the decade after independence – more rapidly in fact than most other developing regions in Africa or elsewhere (Figure 1).   However, since the mid-1970s, Uganda has been plagued by more than two decades of severe political and social turmoil, combined with four decades of rapid population growth since 1960 and over three decades without agricultural input use, particularly for soil fertility improvement.  These have all contributed to stagnant or declining productivity in agriculture and persistent rural impoverishment in much of the country. 

The UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that about 80% of Uganda’s 1999 population of 22.6 million is agricultural and over 85% is considered rural [4].  These proportions are high even by African standards, and they indicate the continuing dependence on agricultural production in Uganda.    Despite this, virtually no aspect of agricultural production in Uganda has been able to keep pace with population growth for the last two to three decades.  Per capita agricultural production in Uganda declined steadily through the 1980s and most of the 1990s, and it is currently estimated to be about 75% of the level of per capita production in the early 1960s (Figure 1).  Per capita production of food crops and of livestock, two of the components of total agricultural production, have similarly declined to 75% to 80% of their 1960s levels.  The most dramatic decline, though, has been in nonfood (“cash”) crops, which are currently at about 40% of the per capita level of the early 1960s.  These are markedly more severe declines than those estimated for sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, for which per capita agricultural production in 1999-2001 is estimated by the FAO at about 85% of the 1961-63 level. 

The Ugandan experience as well as that of sub-Saharan Africa as a whole are in marked contrast to the record of most developing Asian and Latin American countries.  Per capita agricultural production in Indonesia, for example, is about 60% greater in 1999-2001 than it was in 1961-63, despite massive population growth there [5].  Less dramatic improvements have occurred in South Asia, where recent per capita production is about 20% higher than in the early 1960s.  Nonetheless, this more modest improvement occurred despite a 130% increase in population over 30 years (to over 1.3 billion in 2000) and under conditions of far higher population density than found in sub-Saharan Africa.

A substantial part of the failure of agricultural production to keep pace with population growth in Uganda and in most of Africa is due to the failure to increase agricultural productivity.  Maize yields in Uganda, for example, are estimated to be at approximately the same level as they were in the early 1960s – approximately 1.1 to 1.3 tons per ha [6].  In contrast, maize yields in most countries of Central and South America, and South and Southeast Asia, which all started at levels about the same or lower than Uganda’s in the 1960s, are now estimated to be two to three times as high.  The same is true for Africa as a whole in comparison to other developing regions. 

The single most important cause for the persistence of low productivity in African agriculture is probably the extremely low level of fertilizer use there, which contrasts sharply with all other parts of the developing world.  Table 1 shows per capita use of total fertilizer nutrients – nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium – in 1998 (the latest year for which FAO estimates are available) for sub-Saharan Africa and the other main developing regions of the world.

Table 1:  Per Capita Use of Fertilizer Nutrients, 1998
(kilograms nitrogen, phosphorus, & potassium per capita)

Even in view of the low and declining level of fertilizer use in most of Africa, Uganda stands out in comparison to other African countries, particularly in East Africa.  Figure 2 shows fertilizer use per capita in Uganda in comparison with several other East African countries from 1961 to 1998.  It illustrates the recent declines in fertilizer use in most countries as well as the notable absence of fertilizer use in Uganda for the last quarter century.  Few countries in Africa, or in the world, particularly those with agriculturally-based economies, have experienced such an extended absence of fertilizer use over the period.  As a result, even substantial reservoirs of soil nutrients such as found in the more fertile areas of Uganda will be severely depleted with increasingly intensive use.  As in most developing countries, fertilizer subsidies were common in the early 1960s in Uganda.  Following the economic disruptions of Amin’s regime and subsequent conflicts, fertilizers were unavailable in Uganda except on the black market.  They are now again available, but their trade is entirely privatized, with no government subsidies [7].  These conditions are further discussed below in relation to the responses of the farmers interviewed in the research survey.

RESEARCH SITE AND SAMPLING METHODS

Mbale District was selected for this study as a high potential region which is one of the three most densely populated rural districts in Uganda, the others being Kabale and Kisoro which neighbor each other in the extreme southwest of the country (Figure 3).

At the time of the last national census in 1991, Mbale had a population of about 711,000, over 91% of which is rural, and a density of about 284 per sq km [8].  Projected district population in mid-1998 was approximately 905,000, which would imply a density of 361 per sq km and an annual growth rate of about 2.4% [9].  The district also had a sex ratio (the number of men per 100 women) in 1991 of 100.2, unusually high for a rural African region where male outmigration typically leaves many more women than men in rural areas.  (By comparison, Kabale and Kisoro had 1991 densities of 246 and 301 per sq km and sex ratios of 90 and 86, respectively [10].)   The average rural household size in Mbale in 1991 was 4.6.

Mbale has been relatively prosperous in comparison with other areas in Uganda.  It has reasonably favorable agroecological conditions, including volcanic soils in much of the district, and fairly good rainfall (see below). Because it borders Kenya, it has had access to Kenyan input and output markets, and the western, relatively lower altitude, part of the district  is quite well connected to Kampala and other urban centers of central and southern Uganda.  Mbale town, the district capital, is about 240 km from Kampala along fairly good paved roads. 

Mbale district is also a site of the USAID-supported Investment In Developing Export Agriculture Project (IDEA) to help develop export-oriented agriculture, including major food crops such as maize and beans, as well as a wide range of food and nonfood income crops.  Numerous domestic and international NGO projects also work in the district, which includes the western portion of Mount Elgon and the Mount Elgon National Park.  Together with its neighbor to the north, Kapchorwa District, which also borders Mount Elgon but has lower population density, Mbale is often seen as among the most agriculturally progressive areas in Uganda [11].

The district is physically divided between lower and higher altitude regions. The former are only relative lowlands, at altitudes of about 1500 meters, with flat or rolling landscapes.  The highlands, with agricultural regions at 2000 to 2500 meters and higher, include areas of steep topography and often very fertile volcanic soils.  Population density is generally very high in the high altitude areas, and roads can be extremely poor and often impassable in the rainy seasons. Mean annual rainfall ranges from about 1000 to 1700mm, divided into two rainy seasons, with higher altitude areas generally receiving higher amounts [12].  The northern lowland areas are drier than those in the south, and most of the northern region, both lowland and highland, is less well connected to transport networks and urban centers than southern areas.  Soils in the lowlands are generally not as fertile as in the higher altitude areas, but population densities are lower, and roads and levels of access to markets and towns are considerably better. The northern lowlands have also in recent years been subject to cattle raiding by heavily armed Karamoja pastoral groups from the dry plains north of Mbale.  The predominant ethnic group throughout the district are the Bagisu (or Gisu), who are considered closely related linguistically to the Luhya of the Kakamega region of Kenya.

Four villages were selected for this survey, two each in the lower and higher altitude regions and in the northern and southern portions of the district.  The sample was stratified so that ten women and ten men were interviewed in each village, yielding a total sample of 80.  Respondents were selected at random from lists of village households compiled by village leaders.  Seventy one percent of the respondents are married, but the sample included eleven single women (28% of the women interviewed) and twelve single men (30% of the men). 

In order to explore the gender and household aspects of agricultural activities and soil fertility management, the survey data discussed below is categorized into four groups: married men and women and single men and women.  In some parts of Africa (particularly West Africa), married men and women have very distinctive responsibilities and activities, including separate crops, agricultural plots, tasks, and income sources [13].  As discussed below, such distinctions are far less marked in this region than elsewhere.  Female-headed households figure prominently in much literature on gender.  The group labeled single women represents most of the female-headed households in the survey sample.  Their special characteristics in this sample are discussed below.  Because of the low rate of male outmigration in the district, there were very few of what are sometimes termed “de facto female headed households” – i.e., households with a husband living and working elsewhere.  Only two of the 29 married women in the sample said their husbands lived elsewhere for much of the year.  Single men also emerged as a distinctive group, as discussed below.

The surveys dealt with household conditions and activities as well as gender distinctions in agricultural resources, activities, and incomes, with particular focus on aspects of soil fertility management and productivity.  Current conditions and outcomes were compared with those in the past (ten years ago) to get a sense of trends.  Some additional anecdotal material is also reported below.  (There were few differences in gender-related characteristics among the villages, and as a result the villages are not dealt with separately in this paper.)

HOUSEHOLD SIZE, STRUCTURE, AND LAND OWNERSHIP & USE

Household Demographic Characteristics

Basic demographic characteristics of the respondents and their households, divided by gender and marital status, are shown in Table 2.

Table 2:  Average Age, Household Size, & Age Distribution

The average age for the total sample is 41.  While women and men differ only slightly in mean ages overall, there are sharp distinctions between the subsample of single women and the other categories.  All of the single women are widows.  Their average age is 62, and eight of the 11 single women are 60 or older.  The single men, in contrast, have an average age of 39.  Married women are the youngest sub-sample, with an average age of 34; none of the married women is 60 or over.  The average age of married men is virtually identical with the total sample mean.

An important implication of the age distribution of this sample is that for women, the effects of age cannot be distinguished from the effects of being a single female head of household.  Life cycle features clearly play a significant role in characterizing the sample of single women in this case.  The category of single women, as a result, should be seen as representing characteristics combining gender- and age-based characteristics.  Although there is a substantial age difference between the single women and single men, both groups have far fewer adults in their households than do married households, and thus less available labor.  (They also have considerably less land, as shown in Table 4 below.)  An important difference between single males and females, however, is that the single women care for an average of almost three children under 18, often grandchildren, while most single men have no children in their households.  This further reduces the amount of land per person in the female headed households (see below).

The average resident household size (i.e., the number of people resident in the household) is 6.1 for the sample of 80 respondents, with a total household population of 487.  The gender and age and distribution of resident household members reported by the respondents is summarized in Table 3.

Table 3: Gender & Age Distribution of Household Residents

The approximate equivalence of male and female residents is consistent with the sex ratio for Mbale reported in the census data, but this is atypical of many rural areas in Africa where male outmigration usually leaves a substantially larger number of women in the main working age groups.  The significantly larger number of men than women in the 18-60 age range (although somewhat offset by the preponderance of women over 60) is particularly striking.  It suggests either that migration by young men is less frequent and/or migration by women is more frequent than elsewhere, or that there has been considerable return migration, or all of these.  The very high proportion of young people, with almost 60% of the population younger than 18, is indicative of the high fertility rates of the country and in this region.  The fact that the proportion of young people in the population is higher than it is for the country as a whole, suggests the influence of outmigration, although this does not seem to have been as gender-biased as it usually is.

Traditionally, the Bagisu have involved their children in household chores and agricultural labor at a very early age (as is true in most African cultures).  Beginning at the age of six or seven, children are expected to perform chores including gathering water and firewood (mainly done by girls), weeding household plots, and tending livestock (mainly by boys).  Household labor capacity changed substantially with the provision of free primary education in 1997.  Primary education is mandated by law, and up to four children in each household are permitted free primary education (although additional costs are often collected by school personnel).  Children still do some household labor after school, but households with children between the ages of 6 and 12 have lost at least some of the labor traditionally provided by these children.

Landholding Size and Trends

The Bagisu are patrilineal, and land is passed to sons.  They are also patrilocal, and women generally move to their husband’s family compound at marriage.  (A brideprice is expected from the husband or his family, which has traditionally been paid in cattle or other livestock, though other forms of wealth may also now be used.)  Survey respondents report that in recent years, land purchases have become common, and the sale of land is used as a source of quick cash.  Land rental or borrowing for one or more seasons are also common, as reported below.

Household landholdings are extremely small, both in the lower and higher altitude villages and among all demographic groups, reflecting the high population density of the region.  The average farm size across the total sample is 2.2 acres or about 0.9 hectares.  (Acres are generally used below because farmers speak in terms of acres rather than hectares in estimating land sizes.)  With an average household size of 6.1 persons, this represents a mean per capita landholding of 0.4 acres (0.15 ha) – very little land on which to produce both household food and income.  Nineteen of the farmers (24%) have less than one acre, and 15 (19%) have over three acres.  Only four farmers in the sample (5%) have more than five acres (about 2 ha) per household, and the largest landholding in the sample is 10 acres (4 ha).  Household land is typically divided into several plots, with an average of 3.7 plots per household.  Table 4 lists reported average landholdings, numbers of plots, land per capita, and the percentage of farmers who rent or borrow  land, disaggregated by gender and marital status.

Overall, women and men respondents reported roughly similar total household landholdings, with women having slightly less than men.  (With the exception of widows who retain some of their husband’s land, women do not own land on their own in the region.)  There are, however, sharp differences in landholdings between married and single households.  Single men or women have less than half the land that married households have.  However, when the amount of land per person is calculated, single men, with their small households, have the largest amount of land per capita of any subgroup, while married men and women have the same amount per capita – about half as much as single men.  Single women have the least land per capita, reflecting the number of dependent children in their households and their low total land holdings. This is one of several aspects of poverty among households headed by single (older) women.

Table 4: Household Land Holding and Usage

In addition to gender, age and life cycle characteristics are clearly involved in landholding for this sample.  Elderly men and women both tend to have very small landholdings, mainly due to the passing of land to their children and the limited labor resources they have available.  Three of the single men in the sample are over 50, and two of these have only a quarter acre.  Similarly, two of the 11 single women have only a quarter acre of land, and another five have a half acre.   In all of these cases, farmers are likely to rent land from others when they have available funds. Almost half of the sample borrow or rent land to plant in addition to the plots they own.  Single women are the least likely to do so, while single or married men are most likely to rent or borrow land.

Although it might be expected that landholdings have been declining for most households, only 29% of the respondents indicated that their farm size has decreased over the past 10 years; 40% said their landholding has remained constant, and 31% said it has increased (Table 5).  Male respondents, particularly married men, were much more likely to have increased their landholding over the period than women.  This could be a result of additional land purchase or inheritance.  Half of the single women and single men reported having less land than in the past, though for differing life cycle reasons.  The single women were widowed and in general much of their previous household land would have reverted to their male children (or co-wives’ children in the case of polygamous households; about 37% of the sample who responded were from polygamous households).  The much younger single men might have less land than in the past as they moved out of their family compounds and established their own single households.  Only one among the single males and females reports having increased cultivated land over the past 10 years.

Table 5:  Land Currently Planted vs Land Planted 10 years ago

GENDER AND CROP & LIVESTOCK OWNERSHIP & MANAGEMENT

Gender identification of crops, livestock, and household farming plots is a common feature of African agricultural systems.  Certain crops and livestock are often strongly identified as predominantly within a male or female domain, although this can vary considerably among cultures and is likely to change over time.  In many African areas, it is common for nonfood income crops such as coffee, cocoa, and cotton to be principally men’s crops.  Women traditionally have primary responsibility for food crops, but gender identification is usually more complex than this, with the disposition of some food crops, often staple grains or root crops, controlled by men, while other foods, particularly many legumes, controlled mainly  by women. Livestock also often are linked to male or female household members, with cattle more often being controlled by men and goats and/or poultry by women.  But again, there are many variations, and considerable change is underway [14].

Various aspects of crop and animal management and their gender dimensions were examined in this study, differentiated by the four main gender and household categories: married and single men and women.  In general, gender identification is less clearly defined in Mbale than it often is in other African agricultural systems, and age and/or life cycle characteristics are often strongly confounded with gender. 

Main crops

The four main food crops in the region are starchy bananas (known as “matoke” in much of Uganda), cassava, maize, and beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), each of which is considered one four most important food crops by between 65% and 90% of farmers interviewed (Table 6).  Sweet potatoes and cocoyam are also moderately important food crops.  Coffee, beans, bananas, and maize are the most important income crops in most of the region, with various vegetables (tomatoes, cabbage, and onions) also important for some farmers and in some regions. 

There are some gender distinctions in crops, but they do not as seem as sharp as in other areas of Africa or, possibly, as they were in the past.  The main food crops grown by men and women are approximately similar, as are those considered main men’s and women’s crops. Bananas are considered the single most important crop by both men and women, married or single.  Maize and cassava are somewhat more important to men, and beans, sweet potatoes, and cocoyam are somewhat more important to women.  All of these, however, are commonly grown by both genders.

Among income crops, coffee is generally considered a men’s crop, and it predominates among married men, but over half of single women also grow it, generally because they are widows who inherited their husbands' coffee plants after his death.  Bananas and beans are important income crops for most households, and although beans are considered more a woman’s crop, they are also grown by single men for income.  Tomatoes, onions, and cabbages are also grown by women as cash crops and are sold in local markets.  They are rarely if ever sold to traders for transport to distant markets.  Other than those women who have inherited coffee, the produce women sell is generally only for local markets.  In terms of gender identification of the main food and income crops, the responses indicate that although there are some differences, the distinctions are relatively subtle, and they may have become more flexible than they were in the past. 

There are also some crop distinctions between married and single households of both genders. The main household income crops for married women are beans, coffee, bananas, and maize, in this order, with tomatoes, onions, and cabbages as additional income crops.  Among single women, the main income crops are bananas, coffee, and beans.  Maize, tomatoes and onions are less commonly grown by single women as income crops.  Among married men, coffee stands out as the most important income crop, followed by beans, maize, and bananas.  Tomatoes, onions, and cabbage, and in a few cases cotton, are also important income crops.  For single men, bananas are approximately as important as coffee as an income crop, followed by beans, maize, and tomatoes.

Many of the responses as well as anecdotal information provided by the respondents, however, indicated that although specific crops sold by men and women may not differ substantially, their marketing patterns often do differ.  Women often sell  sold their crops only locally, either in front of their homesteads or at the nearest market or trading center.  Partly because of their heavy domestic workload, they often tend to travel very little.  Indeed, one of the female respondents said that she does not travel anywhere except to her plots and back, while her husband does all of the marketing. Although this is an extreme case, men generally travel much more than women, and they are much more likely to sell produce in more distant markets.  In addition, women often report that they have limited control of the money they earn from crop sales or some of their other activities (see also Table 10 below), as the money is said to “go into the husband’s pocket.

Table 6: Main Food & Income Crops

(a) Main Food Crops

Percentage of farmers listing crop as one of four main household food crops

(b) Main Income Crops

Percentage of farmers listing crop as one of four main household income crops

Livestock

Livestock, particularly cattle and chickens, are a sign of wealth and a means of storing wealth among the Bagisu.  Milk and eggs provide additional protein in peoples’ diets, but meat is not a major element in their meals.  When a household includes meat in a meal, the meat is most often purchased one or two kilograms at a time. The only time a cow is slaughtered for food is when the family is preparing a large ceremony or feast that will include extended family and community members.  Otherwise, cattle are used almost exclusively for brideprice or gifts to young men preparing for their circumcision ceremonies.

While the people in this district are relatively poor, most households own at least some livestock, mainly cattle, goats, and poultry.  About 70% of the sample households own cattle, and slightly more have poultry (Table 7).  Slightly under half of the households own goats, and fewer than 20% own other livestock, mainly pigs or sheep.  In general, single men’s households are the least likely to have livestock.  Most single females, in contrast, own cattle, poultry, and/or goats, having inherited them from their deceased husbands.  While virtually all married households own some type of livestock, the women usually in these households do not own the major livestock themselves.  Women own cattle in only about 10% of married households and they own goats in about 20% of these cases.   Even poultry, which are often considered women’s animals, are owned by women in only about one-third of the married households.  (Knutsen [15] reports a roughly similar gender pattern of livestock control in southern Tanzania, but a much greater degree of female ownership and control in parts of northern Tanzania.)

A high proportion of women, both married and single, sell livestock products, notably eggs and milk.  Eggs are somewhat more frequently sold by single women, and milk by married women.  Married men are less likely to sell either of these, and almost no single men sell eggs.

Almost 80% of farmers in the total sample, and over 90% of male respondents, say they do not have enough feed for their livestock.  A small proportion say they buy feed for their animals, but almost none of the women purchase feed.  As discussed below, livestock provide manure for many of the farm households, even many of the female headed households,  The constraints on feed resources, however, limits the numbers of animals and the amounts of manure available. 

Table 7: Livestock Ownership, Sales, & Feed

Percentage of farmers