Attempts at carving out a plausible route to political stability in Africa are not new. Students of African studies have offered divergent ideas cutting across various disciplines. Falaiye's edited volume examines "the problem of governance in Africa with a view to prescribing the minimum conditions for stability and social justice" (p.x). Ogunkoya Jolly, one of the book's contributors, spells out the intellectual challenge of the discourse by writing that there is a need to identify "which set of criteria are to be used in determining what is good in the African traditional culture or the African man and what must be integrated from the so many foreign cultures of the world" (p.66).

Divided into two sections, the first creates a fundamental framework for understanding democracy and its relevance for the common African. The book draws on the universal concepts of man and democracy and examines how they fit into specific African connotations. The "Lagos philosophers" explore "the nature of man in society, his desires and his ontology" from the perspectives of common democratic themes including equality, liberty, and freedom (p.x). Odeneye 'Jobi, for instance, asserts that for the philosopher to actually fashion a relevant political philosophy, he must properly grasp the ontological nature of man in the particular society for which the philosophy is meant (p.8). Conversely, Jegede Babatunde submits that "man is man everywhere, anywhere - gregarious". He argues that the African concept of fraternity and communalism, upon which the African interpretation of man is based, is not exclusively African. "The fraternal interpretation has been elevated to the status of a whole but restricted to the African personality" (p.50).

Part two examines questions on democracy, military rule and social justice with special reference to Africa. Additionally, the issue of reparations is raised by both Mimiko and Falaiye, who contend that economic stability may be achieved across the Continent if some form of compensation is paid for the atrocities associated with slavery.

Some of the minimum conditions Africa needs to meet for political stability include the following: first, there is a need to reconcile the cultural question in Africa. While decrying the attempt to portray African culture as obsolete, Jolly argues that "the problem of instability in the affairs of men in Africa is cultural and as such requires a solution rooted in the proper understanding and consideration of an African ontology" (pp.54-55). She further maintains "that man's ontology can only be properly understood within the praxis of his particular culture" (p.58). Secondly, basic conditions for socioeconomic and political equity, such as poverty reduction, an end to military dictatorships, defense of justice, and promotion of rule of law need to be met. Though they contend that the concept of equity is a myth in its strict interpretation, given the uneven distribution of abilities to individuals, Alloy Ihuah and others agree that the two most important prerequisites of democracy--equity and social justice--are never promoted or protected where poverty is pervasive (pp.69-70). The provision of able leadership is another necessity identified by the authors. Falaiye argues that a majority of the problems facing Nigeria could be solved if Nigeria begins to exercise its leadership across Africa. Able leadership, he argues, commands the respect and goodwill of the citizenry (p.187). Finally, a "Neo-African" socialist state system is proposed by Falaiye, since socialism "considers the peculiar African situation and contemporary experience that is best suited to her" (p.181). According to the author, in the African context, neo-socialism has the best chance of achieving justice, the rule of law and "justified equity" (pp.181-192).

This book obviously aspired to advance an appealing political philosophy capable of motivating an "African political renaissance" as did John Locke's in the fashioning of American constitution or Rousseau's in the 1789 Revolution in France. Unfortunately however, it deals solely with Nigeria. Considering the book's high aspirations, one expected there to be a focus on other countries in sub-Saharan Africa.

Another controversial part of the book is its belief in a unique or specific African adaptation to democracy - a claim the authors could neither back up with a convincing logic nor a practical model. This shortcoming perhaps explains the surprising allusion to African socialism on the eve of the twenty-first century. The authors could have benefited from looking closely at the misjudgments of Nyerere's Ujaama elephant project in Tanzania, as well as the failures Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc.

Lastly, their contention that Africa's political ills are the responsibility of the political elite should also be criticized. Any inquiry into Africa's political situation needs to emphasize the collective failure of democracy and the necessity for collective cooperation.

Raphael Chijioke Njoku
Department of Political Science/History
Alvan Ikoku College of Education, Owerri, Nigeria.