The Public Sector, Privatization,
and Development in Sub-Saharan Africa
James S. Guseh
Abstract
At the time of independence, nearly all African countries identified
capitalism with neocolonialism and therefore adopted a statist approach
to economic development, with government being the major instrument
of development. As a result, the size of the public sector grew through
the creation of public sector enterprises. On the other hand, over the
years there has been a slowdown in economic growth, especially in agricultural
output. With deep internal economic crisis, shortage of foreign capital
and debt obligations, many African countries adopted in the 1980s certain
structural adjustment measures required by international donor organizations
and creditors as a condition for economic assistance, with privatization
usually being a component of the structural adjustment programs. Thus,
many African countries have embarked on the policy of privatization
and other market-oriented reforms. Empirical investigations as to whether
or not privatization promotes development of the issue have produced
mixed results.
INTRODUCTION
Privatization has become an important instrument for streamlining the
public sector and promoting economic development in countries around
the world. Privatization refers to divestiture of public sector enterprises
(PSE)---enterprises owned and operated by the state---to private owners
and, more generally, the placing of a large share of the economy into
the private sector. Privatization gained a major thrust in the 1980s
when international donor organizations-like the World Bank--made it
a major component of structural adjustment programs, established as
a condition for economic assistance. Structural adjustment itself refers
to "a series of economic policies designed to reduce the role of
government in an economy [by] replacing government control with market
incentives." 1
Structural adjustment programs were initiated as a result of the explosive
debt crisis of the early 1980s. The rise to power of groups espousing
neo-liberal economic ideas during the political tenure of the Reagan
and Thatcher governments in the United States and Great Britain, respectively,
accelerated the placement of structural adjustment on the economic development
agenda during that period. While stabilization programs of earlier post-war
decades achieved successful monetary, fiscal, and trade policies without
economic restructuring, structural adjustment programs in the developing
world during the 1980s and early 1990s were associated with the adoption
of free-market policies as a condition for international assistance.
The 1980s can be regarded internationally as the decade of privatization.
"From the middle of the 1970s, worldwide sales of state enterprises
reached a record total of over $185 billion by the end of the 1980s."
2 Although the public enterprise sector expanded
in most countries during much of the post-World War II period, this
sector contracted or remained the same in most countries during the
1980s, principally due to privatization policies.3
Since 1980, worldwide sales of PSEs have risen faster. In 1990 governments
worldwide sold off $25 billion in PSEs.4 Total sales
increased to $69 billion in 1992 (5) and exceeded
$175 billion over the period 1990 to 1993.6 Assets
of privatized entities are projected to exceed $600 billion by the year
2000.7
While the policy of privatization may have originated in the industrialized
countries, it has been rapidly adopted in the developing world. Over
the years in many developing countries, there has been a slowdown in
economic growth, especially in agricultural output. Increasingly, therefore,
they are reducing the size of the public sector and turning to market-oriented
reforms. Moreover, as a result of the declining economic growth in these
countries, international donor organizations and creditors, such as
the World Bank and the United States government, have required certain
structural reforms as a condition for economic assistance, with privatization
usually being a major component of this structural adjustment package.
Privatization has been seen by some governments and international donor
organizations as a policy that will help less developed countries improve
the performance of their economies by reducing the size of the public
sector and enhancing the performance of the private sector. Thus, many
African countries have embarked upon privatization.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the factors that led to the
adoption of the policy of privatization in Africa, with emphasis on
Sub-Saharan African, and to review the policy as an instrument of development.
The paper begins with analysis of the contribution of the size of public
sector to economic growth in Africa. Such an assessment is important,
because the growing trend in the size of government has been criticized
for the decline in economic growth.8
Second, with the policy of privatization perceived as a major solution
to the slowdown in economic growth, the issue becomes whether or not
privatization promotes development at a faster rate than would otherwise
happen. This study addresses this issue through a review of empirical
studies on the relationship between privatization and development. The
results should provide further insights into the effects of the privatization
policy adopted in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study concludes with some
policy implications.
THE PUBLIC SECTOR AND PRIVATIZATION
In the struggle for independence from colonial rule, ambivalence toward
capitalism was the hallmark of most nationalist movements in Africa.9 At the time of independence, most African countries identified capitalism
with colonialism rather than with entrepreneurship and free enterprise.
As Bruce Bartlett stated, "capitalism in any form was identified
with imperialism and therefore rejected as neo-colonialist."10
As a result, virtually every African country adopted some form of socialism
or statist approach to economic development. Many external advisers
and the economics profession recommended a major role for the state
in economic development. Thus, governments became the principal actor
in economic activities and the major instrument of development in many
African countries. This has led to an increase in the size of the public
sector through the creation of numerous government agencies and state-owned
or public-sector enterprises.
Goran Hyden described the original rationale for establishing these
enterprises as follows:
"In the absence of an entrenched class of local capitalists, many
governments felt a need to resort to public enterprises as the only
alternative to counteract the influence of foreign capital and to accelerate
the development of local resources. The public enterprises would take
the role played by private entrepreneurs in other countries and thus
help to harness, mobilize and exploit resources which would otherwise
lie idle or be developed only by foreigners. The profit generated by
these bodies, moreover, would accrue to the state and thus be available
for public investment and for fostering social welfare goals of the
new governments. In those countries which adopted a socialist strategy
of development, governments would add to this list of reasons for a
rapid expansion of the public sector the objective of social equality.
A dominant public sector would make equalization policies easier."11
Other points of view have been advanced for a larger role of government
in the process of development. One point is that government should be
assigned a critical role in the process of economic development. Another
is that a large government can become a powerful engine in economic
development. Arguments in support of the latter include, inter alia:
"(i) role of the government in harmonizing conflicts between private
and social interests; (ii) prevention of exploitation of the country
by foreigners; and (iii) securing an increase in productive investment
and providing a socially optimal direction for growth and development."12
Thus, since independence, the role of the state in economic activities
has increased sharply in Africa through the creation of numerous public-sector
enterprises. For example, in the late 1980s, "state enterprises
bulk[ed] larger in proportion to total economy activity than it [did]
in any other market-economy region in the Third World."13
It is estimated that about three thousand enterprises are fully or partially
controlled by governments in Africa. The size of government in the economy
had grown sharply between independence in the 1960s and the era of structural
adjustment in the 1980s.
Although there are various measures of the size of government in the
economy, the measure employed in this study is the ratio of government
consumption expenditure to gross domestic product (GDP). For many countries,
government consumption expenditure consists of the following categories:
"1) outlays for wages and salaries of civil servants and the military;
2) outlays on nondurable goods and services, including those for public
sector employees, maintenance, and all spending on military equipment;
3) interest payments on government debt; 4) transfers to subnational
government; and 5) subsidies and other transfers to individuals."14
This measure, regarded as the standard specification of government size,
assesses the effect of public sector expansion on the underlying growth
rate.15 It provides a useful indication of the overall
influence of the public sector in the economy as a whole.16
Measured as the ratio of government consumption expenditure to GDP,
government size in Sub-Saharan Africa increased from about 20 percent
in the early 1960s and 1970s to about 28 percent and 29 percent in the
early 1980s and 1990s, respectively.17 Much of the
growth during the initial period was the result of the newly independent
states assuming the role of nation building from colonial states. The
states tended to mobilize their physical and human resources for socioeconomic
development. Countries that were endowed with natural resources, such
as Liberia with iron ore, Ghana with bauxite, and Nigeria with oil,
tended to use the revenue from the sales of the resources to expand
their public sectors. Thus, the state became the major actor in economic
activity and development.
The extent of state involvement in the economies of sub-Saharan Africa
is summarized in a 1986 report by the World Bank as follows:
"Public sector employment is half of all modern sector employment,
compared with only one-third in Asia. Allowing the country size, public
enterprises are more numerous than in most other developing countries,
and they engage in a wider array of activities. Public investment accounts
for the bulk of investment in the formal sector."18
The early 1970s experienced a decline in economic performance as a
result of the first OPEC oil crisis in 1973. The slowdown in economic
growth led to a decline in income to various sectors of the economy
including the public sector. As a result, the share of government spending
as a percentage of GDP declined slightly during this period. To continue
the trend of government expansion, oil importing countries embarked
on heavy borrowing. Ironically, some of the funds for borrowing were
recycled funds from oil exporting countries.
Table 1 provides external debt statistics for Sub-Saharan Africa. The
external debt as a percentage of GNP more than doubled over the period
1980 to 1995. It increased from 30.6 percent to 81.3 percent. Similarly,
debt as a percentage of exports increased from 91.7 percent in 1980
to 241.3 percent in 1995. With substantial borrowing to finance government
activities, including public sector enterprises, the size of government
increased dramatically in the 1980s and 1990s.Table
1
While the size of the public sector has been growing, the rate of economic
growth has been slow. A broad overview of the economy of Sub-Saharan
Africa shows that the average annual rate of economic growth was over
10 percent in the 1960s and declined below 2 percent in the 1970s and
1980s. During the 1980s, most of the national economies were in a state
of near or partial collapse. Over the period 1990 to 1998, annual rate
of economic growth averaged slightly over 2 percent to 2.2 percent.
In 1997-98 the average annual growth rate of per capita was negative
(-0.4 percent). The growth rates in the 1980s and 1990s have been below
the average annual rates of population growth of 5 percent and 3 percent,
respectively.
As a result of the declining rate of economic growth, African countries
are increasingly reducing the size of the public sector and are turning
to market-oriented reforms. As discussed in the previous section, the
declining economic growth in these countries has led international donor
organizations and creditors, such as the World Bank, the European Union,
and the United States government, to require certain structural reforms
as a condition for economic assistance, with privatization normally
being a major component of this structural adjustment package.
PRIVATIZATION AND ECONOMIC REFORM IN AFRICA
Table 2 presents a summary of privatization activity in Sub-Saharan
Africa in various years and by economic sectors. By 1998, 3,165 privatization
transactions were completed, leading to total sales value of US$6,426
million. Of these transactions, about 50 percent were completed prior
to 1994, and the other 50 percent were completed over the period 1994
-1998. It is therefore clear that by 1999 the pace of privatized firms
in value terms was falling. This is due largely to the political unpopularity
of privatization. Of the total transactions, manufacturing constituted
about 75 percent, followed by agricultural production and process with
50 percent and services with 40 percent. The rest of the transactions
consisted of trade with 10 percent, financial with 5 percent, and other
with 6 percent. Most of the privatized industries had been built by
state authorities to encourage manufacturing under import substitution
policies.Table 2
Turning to strategies of privatization, a wide range of methods have
been employed in Africa. Table 3 presents the methods used up to the
end of 1996. The sales of shares through competitive tender appears
to be the principal method of privatization, constituting about a third
of the total privatization. Open competitive bidding has been one of
the conditions favored by donors. However, formal liquidations and asset
sales combined represent the same proportion of transactions, a reflection
of the poor condition of many state-owned enterprises.19
The number of non-competitive methods exceeded the number of sales to
shareholders with pre-emptive rights, a reflection of a degree of non-transparency
and skepticism about privatization in Sub-Saharan Africa.20
It is also a reflection of the existing laws that grant current shareholders
pre-emptive rights in buying out the state. It is reported however,
that concerns about transparency are receding because of the availability
of more information to the public by the implementing agencies and the
increasing involvement of the private sector in the privatization process.21 (Table 3)
The pace of privatization across the continent is not uniform. The pace
is picking up in some countries, while in other countries the process
is just beginning. In others it has slowed down. In terms of the number
of transactions completed in each country to the end of 1998, most privatization
activities have taken place in Mozambique (579), Angola (331), Zambia
(253), Ghana (217), Tanzania (198), Kenya (189), Ethiopia (125), and
Guinea (117).22 It is interesting to note that the
two countries that have recorded the most privatization transactions,
Mozambique and Angola, are neither Anglophone nor Francophone countries,
but Lusophone countries. Both are formerly Marxist command economies.
This, perhaps, reflects the need and determination of these countries
to move away from socialism and rebuild their war-torn economies.23
Despite the adoption of privatization policy, the Sub-African region
still ranks low in the pace of privatization. According to the US National
Center for Policy Analysis, among the regions in the world for the period
1988-1995:
"Latin America and the Caribbean was the leading privatization
region with total sales of about $54 billion or 46 percent of the total
amount of proceeds from privatization.
East Asia was next with sales of $28 billion or 25 percent, followed
by Europe and Central Asia (which includes the formerly planned economies
of Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union) with almost
$20 billion or 17 percent.
The rest of the developing world combined [including Sub-Saharan Africa]
was responsible for only about 12 percent of the value of sales."24
These data and the fact that state-ownership represents about 10 percent
of GDP in developing countries on average suggest that a lot of assets
are still controlled by states in Sub-Saharan Africa and other developing
regions.25 The major factor that has restricted
the pace of privatization in Sub-Saharan Africa is the underdevelopment
of the capital markets. This limitation has affected the pace of privatization
in terms of how many enterprises could be put up for sale and the methods
employed for broadening ownership. As a method of privatization, capitalization
schemes have not been tried in Africa 26, while
they have been employed in some Latin American countries. However, according
to Jean-Louis Sarbib, Vice President of the African Region of the World
Bank, a lot of effort is going into capital market developments along
with financial sector reforms in Africa. 27
Despite these problems, the lessons learned indicate an increasing number
of privatized firms deserve closer attention. The question is whether
or not privatization helps promote development. This issue is addressed
in the next section where the relationship between privatization and
development is reviewed.
PRIVATIZATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: POLICY CHOICES
Would the limited amount of privatization help the goal of accelerated
growth in Africa? One of the issues involved in assessing the impact
of privatization is measurement of performance. While a private enterprise
tends to be assessed in terms of financial performance, a public sector
enterprise (PSE) may have multiple functions, such as commercial and
developmental functions. For example, in Liberia, the state-owned radio
station performed both development functions, such as operating a rural
communication network, and also commercial functions. Thus, a PSE can
be assessed in terms of financial performance, as well as its effectiveness,
efficiency, economy and contribution to democracy.28
To assess PSEs with multiple functions only in terms of profitability
may not present an accurate assessment of the performance of such enterprises.
Another factor in measuring performance in the public sector deals with
the ownership of performance measurements. Several public agencies may
contribute to the realization of a certain goal or output, and how credit
for these contributions should be allocated may be an issue. Graeme
Hodge provides an example of this situation as follows:
"[P]olice, transport accident commission, road and traffic authorities,
emergency services associated with on-site trauma, medical support and
transport, hospitals, community groups, and educators are some of the
contributors to the general aim of reducing road accident trauma. None
of these contributing agencies, however, would be wholly responsible
for the overall level of road trauma occurring over any one particular
time period. In any single year, all agencies would have partial ownership
of the road trauma outcome in the community."29
Ownership of performance measurement can also affect the performance
of services. An agency may want to receive credit for providing a service
that involves the cooperation and contribution of many organizations.
By insisting on receiving credit, the agency may prevent the services
from being provided. For example, in the United States "several
law enforcement agencies knew about a major drug shipment, but they
allowed it to slip through their fingers . . . because they would not
agree about which of the 'cooperating' agencies would make the actual
arrest and receive the media attention."30
Although there are different forms of privatization with different objectives,
most evaluations do not distinguish the effect of each form of privatization
on development. Forms of privatization include contracting out, enterprise
sales, public-private partnerships through joint ventures, and delegation.
Different methods of privatization result in different outcomes, and
the privatization agency must use the most appropriate method of privatization
for different companies, industries, and sectors.31
For example, if the goal is to restructure PSEs with little or no transfer
of ownership and management control, then the most appropriate method
is commercialization of PSEs by requiring cost recovery and eliminating
their subsidies and monopoly status.32 If the objective
is to reduce or eliminate the public sector's role in providing goods
or services and to encourage private sector provision, the appropriate
methods include delegation of responsibility of nongovernmental organizations
and the private sector and provision of state guarantees or incentives
for the private sector or nongovernmental organizations to provide services.33
Whether these different forms of privatization have different effects
on growth and development remains to be tested.
Whether privatization has a positive or negative impact on development
seems to depend on factors such as the variables and model specifications
employed. For example, studies that have regressed the rate of economic
growth on government expenditure or tax revenue as a share of GDP have
found a significant negative relationship, ceteris paribus.34
This may indicate that growth in government activities tends to harm
economic expansion overall. On the other hand, studies that have regressed
the rate of economic growth on the growth rate of government expenditure
have found a significant positive relationship, ceteris paribus.35
Thus, the model specifications employed tend to determine the nature
of the effects of the public sector on economic growth. The government
expenditure variable employed in these studies is government consumption
expenditure, defined in the previous section.36
Accordingly, a debate in the literature centers on determining the appropriate
specification of government size in assessing its impact on economic
growth. According to Landau, although the correct approach would be
to include government in a general model of economic growth, he argued
that such a model does not exist and that "Economic research is
still in an underdeveloped state [with] little known about the impact
of public production."37 Thus, Landau (and
others) specified government size as the share of government consumption
expenditure (G) in GDP (i.e., G/GDP).38 This specification
has been found to be negatively correlated with economic growth.
Ram, however, challenged this specification. He argued that the use
of the variable G/GDP in the production function lacks a theoretical
foundation and thus would be ad hoc. Adapting a two-sector production
function framework, he showed that the appropriate variable for investigating
the effects of government size on economic growth is the growth rate
of government spending (i.e., dG/G).39 His results
showed a positive correlation between government size and economic growth.
Despite the two views on the specification of government size, Conte
and Dard have shown that both specifications are appropriate, with Ram's
specification measuring the short-run impact of government and the other
specification measuring the long-run impact.40 Thus,
the short-run impact of the growth in government size on the economy
is positive, while the impact of government on the underlying rate of
economic growth is negative. These differences on the impact of privatization
on growth, make it hard to arrive at a hard and fast answer on the likely
impact of privatization on economic growth in Africa.
CONCLUSIONS
Since independence, the size of government in African countries has
grown through the creation of public sector enterprises. On the other
hand, the rate of economic growth has been declining. Whatever the results
of studies on the relationship between privatization and development,
many African countries are placing large shares of their economies in
the private sector in order to reduce the size of government and improve
the performance of their economies.
Growth in the size of government, measured as the share of government
consumption expenditure in GDP, has been found to be directly associated
with a decline in economic growth. Growth in the share of GDP consumed
by governments tends to be a drag on growth. That is, government consumption
is a "net tax on society with few corresponding benefits."41
Besides the direct negative impact of government on the economy, growth
in government also adversely affects economic growth through an indirect
approach. That is, more government lowers savings and investment which
in turn retards economic growth.
Other studies also suggest that a larger government size may interfere
with efficiency and economic growth. Some of the reasons that have been
advanced include: "(i) government operations are often conducted
inefficiently, (ii) the regulatory process imposes excessive burdens
and costs on the economic system, and (iii) many of government's fiscal
and monetary policies tend to distort economic incentives and lower
the productivity of the system."42 Additionally,
corruption tends to be prevalent in the public sphere. According to
the World Bank, "many privatization efforts have been racked by
corruption, undermining confidence in both the government and the market
economy."43
As Brian JL Berry, Edgar C. Canaling, and D. Michael Ray have noted:
"Centrally directed [economic] systems do not work and cannot compete.
They produce only sporadic growth, assure only a low-level equality
that is violated by party-membership privilege, and quite demonstrably
have been far more destructive of the environment than political and
economic systems of any other kind."44
Brian J.L. Berry, et al. recommend that economic statism of central
direction would have to be replaced by individual initiatives and the
discipline markets in the economic arena, and individual freedoms and
democratic institutions in the sphere of politics; private enterprise
and competition would have to replace state monopoly and public-sector
enterprises.45 Competition is essential, because
it encourages efficiency and provides incentives for innovation. As
Bruce Bartlett said, "whatever faults it may have, there is no
longer any doubt that free-market capitalism has the greatest capacity
to produce goods and services of any economic system ever devised."46 According to Graeme Hodge, who has conducted an international review
of privatization, "this changed intellectual climate has also been
further bolstered by the failure of centrally planned economies and
the relative success of Western capitalist democracies."47
Little wonder, then, that market systems are triumphing across the globe!
With growth in the size of the public sector being associated with
a slowdown in economic growth, the traditional emphasis of African countries
on government as the instrument of development needs to be reexamined.
For example, the World Bank compared economic performance of developing
countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and East Asia.48
The Bank found that in 1960 per capita incomes in the Asian countries
were only slightly higher than those in Africa, while consumption expenditures
of African governments were higher than those of the Asian governments.
However, by the 1990s, incomes in East Asia were more than five times
those in Africa, while the government size in Africa had grown to one-and-a-half
times that in East Asia.
Reducing the size of the public sector is seen therefore as essential
to lower inflation and to allow for new domestic and foreign investments.
As stated by the National Center for Policy Analysis, "Privatizations
have a particularly strong influence over decisions to invest, and each
dollar of privatization revenue generates an extra 38 cents in new investment
with financial and infrastructure privatizations having the most positive
effect on other foreign direct investment."49
Thus, a policy based on a minimal role of government in economic activity
may be the best route towards economic growth and prosperity in Africa.
The need for such an institutional reform is of high urgency.
It is therefore urgently necessary to critically review and reconsider
the traditional emphasis on government as the major source of employment
and on State monopoly and control over productive assets and a wide
range of economic activity. To translate this awareness into policy
constitutes one of the major political-economic challenges facing Sub-Saharan
African countries in the twenty-first century.
TABLES
Table 1. External Debt for Sub-Saharan Africa
|
1980 |
1995 |
| Total External Debt (million $) |
84,119 |
226,483 |
| External Debt as Percentage of GNP |
30.6 |
81.3 |
| External Debt as Percentage of Exports |
91.7 |
241.7 |
| Debt Service as Percentage of Export |
9.8 |
14.5 |
Multilateral Debt as Percentage
of Total External Debt |
9.0 |
24.3 |
Source: World Bank, World Development Report 1997: The State in a Changing
World. Washington, D.C., 1997, p. 247.
Table 2. Privatization Activity in Sub-Saharan
Africa by Period and Economic Sector 1994-98
A. Transactions Completed by Period
| Year |
Number of Transactions Completed |
Percent |
| Before 1994 |
1,582 |
50.5 |
| 1994 |
352 |
11.2 |
| 1995 |
485 |
15.5 |
| 1996 |
422 |
13.5 |
| 1997 |
240 |
7.6 |
| 1998 |
53 |
1.7 |
| Total |
3,134 |
100 |
B. Transactions Completed by Sector
| Sector |
Number of Transactions |
Percent |
| Agriculture Production & Processing |
655 |
24.1 |
| Financial |
120 |
4.4 |
| Manufacturing |
826 |
30.4 |
| Services |
636 |
23.4 |
| Trade |
299 |
11.0 |
| Other |
182 |
6.7 |
| Total |
2,718 |
100 |
Source: The World Bank Group, The World Bank Group-Country Data: African
Development Indicators. http://www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/adi/adi.html
Table 3. Methods of Privatization and Number of
Transactions to End 1996
| Methods of Privatization |
Number of Transactions |
| Share Sales by Competitive Tender |
854 |
| Liquidations |
458 |
| Asset Sales by Competitive Tender |
421 |
| Non-Competitive Sales of Shares |
291 |
| Leases/Concessions |
187 |
| Pre-emptive Rights Share Sales |
75 |
| Public Flotations |
69 |
| Management/Employee Buyouts |
48 |
| Joint Ventures |
47 |
| Management Contracts |
39 |
| Restitutions to Former Owners |
36 |
| Transfers to Trustees |
27 |
| Non-Competitive Sales of Assets |
25 |
| Debt/Equity Swaps |
7 |
| Unspecified Methods |
100 |
| Total |
2,718 |
Source: Jean-Louis Sarbib. "Privatization in Africa: Present
and Future Trends." The World Bank Group. Regions: Sub-Saharan
Africa, Abidjan, May 21, 1997. http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/offrep/afr/sarbspsp2.htm
ENDNOTES
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Present and Future Trends." In The World Bank Group, Regions: Sub-Saharan
Africa, May 21, 1997. http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/offrep/afr/sarbsp2.htm
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. The World Bank Group, "Country Data: African
Development Indicators." Development. http://www.worldbank.org/data/countrydata/adi/adi.html
23. Sarbib, Jean-Louis, "Privatization in Africa:
Present and Future Trends." In The World Bank Group, Regions: Sub-Saharan
Africa, May 21, 1997. http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/offrep/afr/sarbsp2.htm
24. National Center for Policy Analysis, Idea House,
"Privatization: Privatization Trends in Developing Countries."
1997. http://www.ncpa.org/pd/private/oct98ab.html
25. Ibid.
26. Sarbib. "Privatization in Africa: Present
and Future Trends."
27. Ibid.
28. Hodge, Graeme A., Privatization: An International
Review of Performance. Boulder: Westview Press, 2000.
29. Ibid., p.44.
30. Peters, Guy, American Public Policy, fifth edition.
New York: Chatham House Publishers, 1999.
31. Rondinelli, Dennis A. and Max Iacono,"Strategic
Management of Privatization: A Framework for Planning and Implementation."Public
Administration 98/99, fifth edition. Guilford, CT.: Dushkin/McGraw Hill,
1998, p. 230.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. Barro, Robert. "Economic Growth in a Cross
Section of Countries." The Quarterly Journal of Economics 106,
1991, pp 407-443; Guseh, James S. "Government Size and Economic
Growth in Developing: A Political-Economy Framework," Journal of
Macroeconomics 19, no. 1, 1997, pp. 175-192; Landau, Daniel. "Government
Expenditure and Economic Growth in the Developed Countries: 1952-76."
Public Choice 47 (1985), pp. 459-477; . "Government and Economic
Growth in the Less Developed Countries: An Empirical Study for 1960-80."
Economic Development and Cultural Change 35 (1986), pp. 35-75.
35. Grossman, Philip. "Government and Economic
Growth: A Non-Linear Relationship." Public Choice 56 (1988), pp.
193-200; and "Government and Growth: Cross-Sectional Evidence."
Public Choice 65 (1990): 217-227; 29). Guseh, James S. "Government
Size and Economic Growth: A Political-Economy Framework," Ph.D.
diss., The University of Texas at Dallas, 1991. Ram, Rati. "Government
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and Time-Series Data." American Economic Review 76 (1986), pp.
191-203.
36. See note 14.
37. Landau, Daniel. "Government Expenditure
and Economic Growth in the Developed Countries: 1952-76." Public
Choice 47 (1985), p. 460.
38. Landau, Daniel, "Government Expenditure
and Economic Growth in the Developed Countries: 1952-76." Public
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the Less Developed Countries: An Empirical Study for 1960-80."
Economic Development and Cultural Change 35 (1986): 35-75; Rubinson,
Richard. "Dependency, Government Revenue, and Economic Growth,
1955-70." Studies in Comparative International Development 12,
1977, pp. 3-28.
39. Ram, Rati. "Government Size and Economic
Growth: A New Framework and Some Evidence from Cross-Section and Time-Series
Data." American Economic Review 76, 1986, pp. 191-203.
40. Conte, Michael and Ali Darrat. "Economic
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41. World Bank. World Development Report 1997: The
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42. Ram, Rati. "Government Size and Economic
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43. World Bank, World Development Report 1999/2000:
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44. Berry, Brian J.L., Edgar C. Conkling and D. Michael
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45. Ibid., p. 2.
46. Bartlett, Bruce R. "The State and the Market
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47. Hodge, Graeme A. Privatization: An International
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48. World Bank. World Development Report 1997: The
State in a Changing World.
49. National Center for Policy Analysis, Idea House."Privatization:
Privatization Trends in Developing Countries." 1997. http://www.ncpa.org/pd/private/oct98ab.html.
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Reference
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