AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY

A MOST PROMISING WEED: A HISTORY OF TOBACCO FARMING AND LABOR IN COLONIAL ZIMBABWE, 1890-1945. Rubert, Steven C. Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies. 1997. Pp. 255. ©

Steven Rubert has done us the favor of providing an updated labor-based history of Rhodesia's tobacco industry to 1945. Drawing on government documents, unpublished materials, and interviews in the 1990s with nearly fifty ex-tobacco farm workers and farmers, Rubert uniquely presents a tableau of life on tobacco farms. He manages to interweave industry-specific management, labor, government, gender, and moral economy. The focus on the Lomagundi and Mazoe districts reveals that tobacco deserves closer scrutiny because it required labor-intensive, year-around attention and dominated Southern Rhodesia's agricultural exports. In fact, Rubert calls tobacco "the linchpin of the colonial government's European settler policy" (p. xii).

Claiming a primary interest in workers rather than farm management, Rubert says his first two chapters on the history of Virginia-flue-cured tobacco farming are background preliminary to his main topics, which include descriptive analyses of the physical environment of the farms, labor processes, worker-management relations, gender relations, child workers, and worker compounds. Obviously, Rubert is concerned to trace work, what it entails and who characteristically does it, to more places on the farm than just the fields and stripping barns. Following Henrietta Moore's Feminism and Anthropology, he argues that work includes assigned and presumed tasks as well as the conditions of those tasks and the worth accorded them in the Southern Rhodesian context. This is a 1990s labor history in the sense that there are more people in the picture doing more things in more places.

Still, it does take Rubert awhile to get to the workers. His descriptions of the farms, their equipment, their product and its worth are detailed and robust --but they take up nearly half the book. The most interesting bits, for me, appear in chapters 5-8, where the author dips into his unique sources to offer snippets of worker conditions and relations. We get glimpses of farmers instilling "discipline" into the workers through the periodic "good clout" or worse (p. 96). We see wives and children "volunteering" (which still occurs on many commercial farms) to work, as a way of supplementing family food rations on some farms (p. 107). Within the worker compounds we see tobacco laborers endeavoring to squeeze the time from formal work schedules to grow family or individual crops. Their plots were ostensibly free but also became venues of rent-seeking: "I was an employee so I paid [for the plot] through working" (p. 132). There were burglaries in the compounds; fires, rapes, and brawls punctuated what Rubert describes as usually nonconflictual living spaces (pp.142-143). Women became casual farm workers of some importance from the 1930s onwards, albeit not without suffering and imposing mixed messages about women's "proper" roles. Children were employed as casual workers for the entire period under study (p. 162); often they were beaten by adult male workers or sexually abused (p. 164).

For those of us who do research on various aspects of work in Zimbabwe, Rubert's study is most useful and well documented. It also contains relatively few surprises in methods or substance. It is a straightforward account and perhaps we should not look for surprises in it. I sense, however, that supplementary data about tobacco farm work might have surfaced had the author truly taken a bottom-up view of his topic. Instead, while claiming to focus on workers and their lives, his presentation is from the historian's God's-eye view. Rubert sets up his book as though the big issues to address have to do with where the tobacco industry fits with labor accounts of other sectors and with E.P. Thompson's contention that laborers have been casualties of history writing. This is a legitimate choice of focus but a lamentable one from the perspective of hearing the local voices Rubert himself sought out. A study starting with the words of workers, rather than with the historical record of the sector and words of farmers and government officials, might change the parameters of the history. Here, however, quotes from workers are short, and they are structured to illustrate points a historian is making rather than points workers may have been making quite apart from predetermined chapter structures. One wonders whether the interview narratives were allowed to influence the way Rubert planned to present his study.

A related area of some silence, which storms noisily in the teapot by the end of the book, is labor resistance. Rubert tells us that farmers described their African workers as "raw" (p. 168). How marvelously that word encapsulates a world of worker behavior that was deemed improper, unsuitable, rude, and inappropriate. But Rubert looks at "raw" from the perspective of those who pronounced it. He lets pass the opportunity to chronicle all the rude behaviors that might have comprised this three-letter denigration. He also does not tie farmer perceptions of worker "rawness" to the few everyday (and perhaps not so everyday) forms of resistance he describes in terms of the moral economy of the farms. The discussion of worker strategies is such a small and late-coming aspect of the book that readers may form a picture of the sector wherein life for the laborers was always unmitigable. The farmer always won; discipline was imposed. My interview research on women workers across four sectors of the Zimbabwean economy (including commercial farms), which is forthcoming, suggests that this is not quite the case.
Rubert is to be commended for the leg-work he has done and is also encouraged to let us see the tobacco sector more from perspectives which have been subordinated here to other scholarly goals. That is, next time around he might write more of the stories, lives, and histories of the sector revealed in worker narratives. I suspect he is sitting on golden words.

Christine Sylvester
National Centre for Development Studies
Australian National University