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The historiography of Mau Mau, Kenya's anti-colonial revolt of the
1950s has been totally revised during the last decade through research
and publications by scholars in Africa, Europe, and the Americas. The
common thread in this development has been a movement away from the
earlier colonial generalizations and later nationalist counterfactualizations
toward a focus upon the event itself as it happened on the ground. The
discourses have shared a concern with the social and economic causes
of Mau Mau, narrating the experiences of the squatters in the settler
farms in the Rift Valley, the urban workers and the under classes in
both Nairobi and Nakuru, to the thought systems of the Agikuyu themselves
as they confronted this massive change in their values and expectations.
Much of the latter input has been greatly influenced by the long-unpublished
thesis by Greet Kershaw. Its publication at long last therefore is most
welcome, particularly for what it says about Mau Mau as experienced
in two villages in southern Kiambu District. Mau Mau From Below is the agrarian history of two Gikuyu moieties,
referred to as clans or mbari, from the nineteenth century into
the mid-1950s when Kershaw first researched in the areas of mbari
ya Igi and mbari ya Thuita. It is about the deep histories
of the clans, and how their shadowy ancestors colonized the land, became
devastated by two famines in the 1830s and again in the 1890s, and how
on each occasion they sought to re-work systems of alliances for the
accumulation of wealth in people who came as neighbors, dependents,
and landless clients, ahoi. By the time of the arrival of the British in late nineteenth century,
this was a land and wealth conscious community with an ethos that linked
wealth to virtue, and virtue to a sense of history that regarded land
and goat ownership as a trust for future generations. Then in 1902-3
there arrived a muthungu (a white man). "He was like a Ndorobo,
only better because he had guns to protect the goats" (p. 84).
Soon enough he began fencing the good uplands and forbidding Gikuyu
entry, cultivation, or grazing rights. The elders reported this trespass
to the European administrator, John Ainsworth, who sided however with
his kinsman. "The gist of the interview was that the thirikari
(government) backed the European; the Kikuyu should understand that
conditions had changed" (p. 86). The local community lost between
thirty and seventy per cent of its best lands. The story of Gikuyu land
hunger had begun. Groups of Gikuyu moved to found new communities in
the Rift Valley. Those that remained behind had to rework new property relations. The
rich landowners tightened their hold on the land, gradually shedding
off their gift-giving obligations (tha) in terms of access to
land to their kin. The middle-class and poor peasants kept hoping for
redress, especially when the British sent out the Carter Land Commission
to look into the land grievances. The commission's report satisfied
no one and "a sense of anger and urgency" filled the land
(p. 104). The large landowners, who were also colonial chiefs like Magugu
Waweru and Waruhiu wa Kungu, continued buying more land. The poor landholders
found it increasingly impossible to subsist off the land while the males
found it increasingly difficult to find jobs in Nairobi during the 1940s
because of their lack of skills. Poor women coped with the triple burdens
by working their patches of land, working for wages in the neighboring
settler coffee plantations, and raising their families on little or
no money. Poor men lost their positions as heads of households. The
poor invested much hope in education for their children (but school
fees were hard to find for the women), and in the expectation that they
would be allowed to grow coffee. They thought they would make money
out of this and invest it more wisely than the Europeans who "ate
what they earned and did not buy land" (p. 167). The lot of the
ahoi became hopeless as they no longer had access to landowning
patrons, could not find regular jobs for lack of skills, nor educate
their children. The preconditions for Mau Mau were in place by the late
1940s. The Agikuyu began taking a variety of oaths in the Rift Valley,
in Nairobi, and at Githunguri, Kershaw's research area. Enter Jomo Kenyatta. After fifteen years abroad he had come back to
a hero's welcome and settled in Githunguri as the head of the Teacher's
College. His greatest welcome came from the young landless and poor.
"He had been described as the man who could bring deliverance,
the embodiment of new Kikuyu power" (p. 216). He settled down to
being a Gikuyu elder by buying land and marrying well to a daughter
of Senior Chief Mbiyu Koinange, by advocating the right of the Agikuyu
to freedom and independence from British oppression, and to administering
oaths of unity towards this end in Githunguri . "(H)e was familiar:
he attended some oaths of heavy contributors" (p. 234). The colonial
Governor declared a state of emergency and arrested Kenyatta on 20 October
1952. Here is Kershaw's writing at its best: Much has been written on the myth of Jomo Kenyatta. This was its local
grounding in Githunguri. "The government's arrest of Kenyatta,
its declaration that he was the leader, renewed their hope and trust
and they flocked to the oath-taking ceremonies" (p. 250). A calculated
57.7% of the people took the oath. The British moved to curb this development by screening suspects and
forcing them to take a cleansing oath, a strange instance of colonialism
gone native. Concocted by the anthropologist Louis Leakey and rich landowners,
including Chiefs Waruhiu and Kibathi, Harry Thuku and Mbira Githathu,
the Agikuyu were to swear upon the githathi (sacred stones) for
a reversal of the Mau Mau oath. In the instance, chiefs and Home-guards
picked on some suspects and forced them to take this hybrid oath. In
revenge, these elements organized an attack, resulting in the Marige
massacre of 5 April 1953. Kin turned against kin. "The Mbari
has killed itself," an elder lamented (p. 257). Marige effectively marked the end of Mau Mau in mbari ya Igi
and mbari ya Thuita. The people were villagized, the Mau Mau
were defeated, and by 1957 some of the detainees returned. By the time
of Kershaw's research, there was hope that Kenyatta would return, get
power and freedom under Kiambu leadership, and give land and hope to
the poor. "All agreed that Mau Mau should become a closed chapter
of history for the sake of the future and for peace... Though harder
for some communities than for others, words such as Mau Mau member,
Home-guard, or loyalist were to be erased from one's vocabulary"
(p. 257). Collective amnesia would undo half a century of the deep cleavages
of the clan. The Agikuyu were right about Kenyatta . This is a powerful book, full of passion and meaning. It will make
compelling reading for college students and faculty alike. The lack
of maps is a drawback, as much of the narrative turns on the specifics
of geographical scale. E. S. Atieno Odhiambo |